This paper is substantially based on the submission I made to the Government's Referendum Taskforce (sent to Mr John Doherty, Convenor, Referendum Taskforce, Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, 3-5 National Circuit, BARTON ACT 2600) (hereafter referred to as "the Taskforce"), with some modifications having been made to my paper to address the differences between the Referendum Taskforce's Exposure Drafts and the Bills now before the Parliament. And it is worth noting that those differences are very few in number (I counted 13, some of which are minor), so I presume that submissions made to the Taskforce (including mine) had little, if any, influence on its final recommendations to the Government.
I will specifically address some of the issues arising from the Government's proposals, with some general comments followed by comments on each of the proposed amendments.
I hereby also submit a copy of one of my draft Constitutions, which I have dubbed my "Referendum" Constitution which is based on the Constitution Alteration and the Bill, but which contains further amendments made in accordance with my recommendations in this paper. These recommendations generally conform to the recommendations of the Constitutional Convention. This Referendum Constitution was formally submitted to the Taskforce. I make some cross references to this draft "Referendum" Constitution throughout this paper, referring to it as "my draft Constitution"; it is accessible on my internet web site, https://members.tripod.com/~petergc. Amendments which I have made are clearly indicated using typographical conventions, and extensive explanatory material accompanies my draft Constitution.
Please note that I had earlier submitted to the Taskforce a copy of another (similar) draft Constitution, which I dubbed my "ConCon" Constitution which conformed to the recommendations of the Constitutional Convention. This contained provisions similar to those proposed by the Constitution Alteration and the Bill and is also accessible on my internet web site.
One of the principles which underlies my comments, criticisms and recommendations here is that if changes are to be made, one should strive to get it right the first time. One should never be complacently content with a proposal in which there are obvious flaws — these flaws are dormant invitations to constitutional crises which will sooner or later either be exploited by unprincipled politicians, or arise unexpectedly as a result of an unlucky confluence of circumstances; and their continued existence, if advertised by opponents of the republic, may well cause the referendum to fail. Although I have endeavoured to keep the level of verbiage of my proposed Constitutional provisions to a minimum, in order to close potentially dangerous loopholes, it has been necessary, in most cases, to provide somewhat more detail than has the Government, but no more than in comparable existing provisions or indeed in comparable Constitutions.
I would counsel against piecemeal modernisation and/or colloquialisation of the language of the Constitution; this may not only be inappropriate in the language genre of a Constitution (perhaps it is neither dignified nor befitting its importance), but it is surely inappropriate when applied to some provisions and not to others. The style of language should be consistent throughout, and if some form of language modernisation should occur, it should be done in a thoroughgoing manner, applied to the entire document. I would equally counsel against piecemeal conversion of the language to non gender-specific forms. As far as the English language will allow without resort to clumsy avoidance of pronouns, or usage of "he/she" type combinations, it is well understood that the pronoun "he" is used as a generic pronoun. If any conversion to non gender-specific language should occur, it too should be done in a thoroughgoing manner, applied to the entire document.
In order to avoid unnecessary verbiage, it should be assumed that the comments which appear in the Government's Explanatory Statements should be read in conjunction with my proposed amendments; but my comments are certainly not always in agreement therewith.
In practice, the scope of the reserve powers (whether those presently existing, or those which may in future be exercised following development either of either the reserve powers or of constitutional conventions) can only ever be limited to provisions where "Governor-General" is specified, and never where "Governor-General in Council" is specified. It is by reference to this formulation that an upper limit to the reach of the reserve powers is established. Although convention may currently dictate that in certain cases where "Governor-General" (and not "Governor-General in Council") is specified the power should not be exercised as a reserve power, the potential for the Governor-General to act according to his discretion (and thereby to effect a "development" of the reserve powers and constitutional conventions) in such cases is always extant.
Put simply, none of the powers of the "Governor-General in Council" are, or could ever evolve to become, reserve powers; but a subset of the powers of the "Governor-General" are currently, and could evolve to become, reserve powers.
Those powers of the "Governor-General in Council", which by definition are not, and can never become reserve powers, are:
Certain powers of the "Governor-General" (and not "Governor-General in Council") are perfunctory powers which the Governor-General is required to exercise (without discretion and without any need to be advised), namely:
Specific cases are as follows:
No doubts should be remain in the Constitution with respect to the scope of the reserve powers, whether that scope apply to the reserve powers as they presently exist or to the reserve powers as they may in future develop. There should be no reason to have that scope include the Command in Chief of the armed forces, or any of the other powers mentioned above. While there is little risk that a President would abuse his position given that the Prime Minister may summarily remove him from office without qualification, it is nevertheless prudent to make provision for these exceptional situations and to ensure that they should never arise in the first place.
In all other cases where powers and functions are conferred on the President other than expressly by the Constitution (e.g. by ordinary Act of Parliament), it should also be clearly stated that those powers and functions are exercisable only by the President in Council unless otherwise expressly provided (i.e., it may be provided that powers be exercised on the advice of the Prime Minister or another Minister).
Recommendation:
I will make specific recommendations below in my comments
on your proposed amendments, but my general recommendation is that in cases where those powers
identified above as inappropriately falling within the scope of reserve powers (either as they presently exist, or as they may in future develop), references to "the President" should be changed to "the President in Council", or should specify that the President shall act only in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister, as the case may be.
Thus, the entire Constitution, read in isolation from the Chapter entitled "Temporary and Transitional Provisions", is lexicographically tidy, its provisions enduring and always relevant regardless of when it is read. One can imagine someone fifty or a hundred years from now reading the Constitution — if such anachronistic references were peppered throughout the text of the Constitution would tend to make the Constitution difficult to read and untidy in appearance.
It is quite a simple matter to move provisions of the Constitution without changing their meaning or effect, whilst rendering the Constitution lexicographically tidy and more easily comprehensible, especially to future generations. After all, the Government itself has said that:
(Constitution Alteration Explanatory Memorandum clause 1.16.)
Recommendation:
I will make specific recommendations below in my comments
on your proposed amendments, by my general recommendation is that rather
than establishing Schedule II only to contain transitional provisions for
the establishment of the republic, this section should contain all temporary
and transitional provisions. Seeing the Government has obviously
decided only to remove spent provisions which relate to monarchy or to
the Governor-General, other provisions which are clearly already spent could simply
be moved to proposed Schedule II of the Constitution.
Certain recommendations I make may in respect of sections of the Constitution Alteration which fall in one of the Schedules would mean that my proposed amendment should appear in another Schedule of the Constitution Alteration; e.g., I might make a recommendation in respect of a section of the Constitution Alteration in Schedule 2 — Consequential amendments of the Constitution which would render it more appropriate for inclusion in Schedule 1 — Amendments of the Constitution relating to the President.
Comments:
Agreed.
2 Section 60
Repeal the section.
Comments:
Agreed.
3 Sections 61, 62, 63
Repeal the sections, ...
Comments:
Agreed.
3 Sections 61, 62, 63 (continued)
substitute:
The executive power of the Commonwealth is vested in the President, and extends to the execution and maintenance of this Constitution, and of the laws of the Commonwealth. The President shall be the head of state of the Commonwealth.
Recommendations:
Move the Chapter heading "Chapter
II - The Executive Government" from its position just before section 61 to the position just before the proposed section 59.
I would also codify here an express power of the Prime Minister to advise the President to convene the Federal Executive Council. This would avoid unnecessary confrontation between the President and the Prime Minister should a mischievous President ever refuse to convene the Federal Executive Council. But at the same time, it also enables the President to convene the Federal Executive Council at his discretion, for whatever reason — e.g., to encourage or to warn the Executive Government, or to request information concerning the general conduct of the government.
Recommendations:
Omit (from the Constitution Alteration) the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
There shall be a Federal Executive Council to advise the President in the government of the Commonwealth, and the members of the Council shall be the Ministers of State for the time being, who shall each make the oath or affirmation prescribed by the Parliament.
The President shall be required to convene meetings of the Federal Executive Council whenever so advised by the Prime Minister, notwithstanding that the President may, according to his discretion, convene additional meetings of the Federal Executive Council whenever he thinks fit.
Notwithstanding that, there are here not two, but three instances relating to the exercise of Presidential powers. The first is the exercise of powers by the President in Council, where those powers are assigned either by the Constitution or by law. In this case, these powers can only be exercised by the President acting in accordance with the advice of the Federal Executive Council. The second is the exercise of powers by the President, where those powers are expressly assigned by the Constitution. In this case, these powers should be exercised in accordance with the constitutional conventions, which might involve the power being exercised with, without, or even contrary to, the advice of the Federal Executive Council, or of the Prime Minister, or of any other Minister of State. The third is the exercise of powers which have been conferred by law on the President (i.e., not on the "President in Council"). In this case, these powers should be exercised in accordance with the advice of the Federal Executive Council, the Prime Minister or another Minister of State as the law provides; but in the absence of such provision, (i.e., by default) it should be interpreted to mean that it should be exercised in accordance with the advice of the Executive Council.
The quite separate nature of these three instances is neglected in the proposed provision, which may result in confusion given that there may be cases where the advice of the one of the three (i.e., the Federal Executive Council, the Prime Minister or another Minister of State) is in conflict with another, or it may cause disputation over which of the three has the prevailing role in a particular instance of advising the President. This lack of clarity is addressed in my recommendation.
Regarding references to the "Governor-General", these could more appropriately be dealt with in clause 9 of the Schedule 2 of the Constitution; such references in the body of the Constitution will appear to be anomalous in 20, 50 or 100 years, and I would suggest that the body of the Constitution should be treated as a document which stands the test of time through its relevance to future generations. I repeat here what the Government itself has said:
(Constitution Alteration Explanatory Memorandum clause 1.16.)
Recommendations:
Omit (from the Constitution Alteration) the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
Where this Constitution explicitly confers a power on the President (as distinct from the President in Council) which may be a reserve power, the President may exercise that power in accordance with the constitutional conventions relating to the exercise of that power. In all other cases the President shall act in accordance with the advice of the Federal Executive Council, the Prime Minister or another Minister of State as provided by this Constitution or by law, but in the absence of such provision, the President shall act in accordance with the advice of the Federal Executive Council.
After considering the report of a committee established as the Parliament provides to invite and consider nominations for appointment as President, the Prime Minister may, in a joint sitting of the members of the Senate and the House of Representatives, move that a named Australian citizen be chosen as the President.
Note that in my recommendations, I refer to the nomination committee as the "Constitutional Council". This particular nomenclature is intended to recognise its constitutional significance and centrality of the committee in the process of choosing a President, and the fact that is an important constitutional organ which directly connects the People (from whom the legal and moral authority of the Constitution is drawn), the Constitution and the President (the person responsible for the execution and maintenance of the Constitution). This nomenclature is also applied in the constitutiona of a number of other countries; these Constitutional Councils, though constituted for different purposes, have a similar constitutional significance.
I have attempted to introduce a stronger (i.e., stronger relative to the Government's particular implementation of the model) element of bipartisanship/non-partisanship into the process by distancing the Prime Minister from the nomination procedure. Thus, for example, I have made the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition are ex officio members of the Constitutional Council, and their approval is generally needed to approve every name entered onto the short-list of Presidential candidates.
Under the Government's proposed provisions, it would seem that there is no obligation on the Prime Minister (or others) to chose a new President, nor any guarantee that a new President would ever even be chosen — it is quite conceivable that we could end up either with an de facto permanent succession of Acting Presidents, or with the complicity of the Government, the indefinite extension of the incumbent President's tenure of the office.
Hereunder I will make a number of recommendations pertaining to this provision, each of which are preceded by comments specific to that recommendation.
Comments (on the following recommendation):
This deals briefly with the convening of the Constitutional
Council, and in particular, the timing thereof.
The timing here is carefully calculated to ensure that a new President is chosen at the right time, on time and in a timely manner (allowing also for failure to achieve a two-thirds vote in the Parliament). Thus, the process of selection of a new incoming President must begin at least sixty days before the outgoing President's term is due to end, or within ten days of it having prematurely ended. Note especially that in the case of the removal from office of a President, in order to enable a President who has just been removed, and whose removal is not ratified, the process is delayed until the ratification vote is taken in the House of Representatives.
An "automatic" provision to convene the Constitutional Council, analogous to that used in section 5 as amended in my draft Constitution, is employed here to avoid a stall in constitutional processes.
Recommendations:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
The President shall be nominated according to the following
procedure:
But if there is no Convenor of the Constitutional Council or no person acting as Convenor of the Constitutional Council, or if the Convenor of the Constitutional Council refuses or otherwise fails to convene the Constitutional Council when required by this Constitution, the Constitutional Council shall be deemed to have been convened eleven days from the date on which the Constitutional Council was required to have been convened.
Recommendations:
After the text of the previous recommendation, add:
The Parliament may make laws increasing or diminishing the number of persons to be entered onto the short-list, but the number thereof shall be no less than three.
Recommendations:
After the text of the previous recommendation, add:
If the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition vote to affirm such motion, the question shall be determined by a majority of votes. But if either the Prime Minister or the Leader of the Opposition do not vote to affirm such motion, the question shall be determined only by the vote of at least three-quarters of the whole number of the members of the Constitutional Council.
This also deals with questions of timing, imposing the penalty that the Constitutional Council shall not be adjourned for more than a day at a time if it fails to produce the report within a reasonable amount of time.
Recommendations:
After the text of the previous recommendation, add:
But if after forty days prior to the expiry of the term of office of an incumbent President, or after twenty days following the death, resignation or vote to approve the removal from office of the President in accordance with this Constitution, the Constitutional Council has not delivered its report to the Prime Minister, the Constitutional Council shall not be prorogued, nor shall it be adjourned for a period extending beyond one day, until it has delivered its report to the Prime Minister.
Section 57 of the Constitution, which is the only other section dealing with the convening of a joint sitting for a special purpose, enters into some detail with respect to the pre-requisites and the procedures involved. The Government's proposed provision, in stark contrast, is silent on much of this. For example, who convenes the joint sitting, and when? It appears that this provision might not even require a joint sitting! There seems to be no good reason for this asymmetry in attention to detail. My proposed alternative enters into a similar level of detail to section 57.
In the context of my proposed amendment to section 34 of the Constitution, it is completely redundant for the expressions "Australian citizen" to be used here. The qualifications already require (according to my proposed amendment), amongst other things, that "The qualifications of the President shall be the same as those of a member of the House of Representatives from time to time", and the qualifications of a member of the House of Representatives (according to my proposed section 34) include as one of the minimum conditions that he or she must be an Australian citizen.
Comments (on the following recommendation):
This deals briefly with the convening of the joint sitting,
and in particular, the timing thereof. The purpose of the convening
is expressly stated.
The timing here is carefully calculated to ensure that a new President is chosen at the right time, on time and in a timely manner (allowing also for failure to achieve a two-thirds vote in the Parliament). Thus, the President is required to convene a joint sitting. If he fails to do so, the automatic provisions of my proposed section 5 are activated, averting any possible stall in constitutional processes.
Recommendations:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
The President shall be chosen according to the following
procedure:
The Government's proposed provisions could be read, quite absurdly, as requiring, that a motion be moved by the Prime Minister in a joint sitting, then seconded by the Opposition Leader in the House of Representatives, and then a vote taken in a joint sitting! ("Leader of the Opposition in the House of Representatives" probably means "the member of the House of Representatives who is the Leader of the Opposition". This problem results from the failure to define the term "Leader of the Opposition, which I have addressed later.) My provision requires quite clearly that the entire procedure take place in a joint sitting - the moving by the Prime Minister, the seconding by the Leader of the Opposition, and the vote.
Recommendations:
After the text of the previous recommendation, add:
Recommendations:
After the text of the previous recommendation, add:
But if the motion is not thus affirmed, the Prime Minister may -
(b) Declare that he cannot, or will not, choose a name from the short-list, and the procedure shall in all other respects be repeated beginning with paragraph (i) of the procedure for nominating the President as set forth above.
Recommendations:
After the text of the previous recommendation, add:
Recommendations:
After the text of the previous recommendation, add:
Subject to this Constitution, the Parliament may make laws with respect to the conduct of the nomination and of the choosing of the President, including the resolution of disputes in regard thereto. But any question respecting the qualification of the President, or respecting a vacancy in the office of President, and any question of a dispute in regard to the choosing of a President, shall be determined by the High Court, sitting as the Court of Disputed Returns.
(i) the person must be qualified to be, and capable of being chosen as, a member of the House of Representatives;
(ii) the person must not be a member of the Commonwealth Parliament or a State Parliament or Territory legislature, or a member of a political party.
Recommendations:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
The qualifications of the President shall be the same as those of a member of the House of Representatives from time to time, except that a person who is a member of Commonwealth Parliament, or a State Parliament, or a Territory legislature, or who is a member of a political party, shall be incapable of being chosen as President.
Recommendation:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
A person chosen as President shall not enter upon the office of President unless he has made and subscribed an oath or affirmation of office in the form set forth in Schedule 1 to this Constitution, and such oath or affirmation shall be administered by the Chief Justice of the High Court, or by another Justice of the High Court, or if there is no Justice of the High Court or if all Justices of the High Court are absent from the Commonwealth by such officers as the Parliament may prescribe for the purpose, or in the absence of such provision, by such officer as the incumbent President shall, by Proclamation or otherwise, appoint.
The term of office of a President begins at the end of the term of office of the previous President. But if the office of President falls vacant, or the term of office of the outgoing President ends, before the day on which the incoming President makes the oath or affirmation of office, the incoming President's term of office begins on the day after that day.
Recommendation:
Omit the Government's proposed heading and paragraph,
substitute:
A person chosen as President shall enter upon the office of President upon the expiry of the term of the incumbent President. But if, when a person is chosen as President, the office of President is vacant or the term of the outgoing President has expired, the person chosen as President shall enter upon the office of President on the day after making and subscribing the oath or affirmation of office.
Recommendations:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
But unless a President dies, resigns or is removed from office in accordance with this Constitution, notwithstanding the expiration of his term, the President shall continue to hold office as President until his successor enters upon the office.
For this reason, it is not (according to my proposals) the Prime Minister who initiates the convening of the Constitutional Council, nor who determines who the Acting President should be — it is the Parliament. The convening of the Constitutional Council and the accession to the office of Acting President is not, nor should it be, determined by the Prime Minister or the Executive Government, but by the Parliament. Thus, it would seem inconsistent for a notice of resignation to be addressed to the Prime Minister. The President, it should be remembered, is one of the three elements which comprise the Parliament (see section 1), and is a superior of the Prime Minister.
Similarly to the resignation of a member of Parliament, I propose that the notice of resignation be addressed to one of the Presiding officers of the Parliament (the President of the Senate in the first instance, or the Speaker in the second).
The Government's provision also leaves open the possibility of constitutional vacuum, although the probability thereof is low. Still, it is not inconceivable — suppose that at a time when there is no Prime Minister the President decides to resign, but did not appoint a Prime Minister before doing so. Legally, the President could not resign without first appointing a new Prime Minister (as he would have nobody to deliver his notice of resignation to), so, with a President still formally in office, no person could become Acting President. If that President simply refused to act as President, no new Prime Minister could be appointed. The result would be a constitutional vacuum. In this case, however, it would not seem possible to provide a mechanism which guarantees absolutely against constitutional vacuum; however, it is therefore essential that sufficient obstacles be placed before the possibility of constitutional vacuum to reduce the likelihood of its ever occurring to insignificant levels. The way I have handled this is to provide for a number of alternatives — possibly limitless! — beginning with the President of the Senate, then the Speaker in the absence thereof, then others as may be prescribed.
While there is little risk in practice that such a case of constitutional vacuum would arise, it would be folly to ignore the possibility, and prudent to make provision for these exceptional situations to ensure that they should never arise in the first place.
This provision also should be moved to the end of section 62 of the Constitution, as sections 60 and 61 do not apply to an Acting President or to a deputy of the President; however, there is no reason why an Acting President or a deputy of the President should not also be entitled to resign from those offices.
Recommendations:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, add to the end
of the proposed section 62 of the Constitution:
The President may resign his office by writing addressed to the President of the Senate, or if there is no President of the Senate or if the President of the Senate is absent from the Commonwealth to the Speaker, or if there is no Speaker or if the Speaker is absent from the Commonwealth to such officers as the Parliament may prescribe for the purpose, or in the absence of such provision, to such officer as the President shall, by Proclamation or otherwise, appoint. Such resignation shall take effect at the time specified therein.
Recommendations:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
The President shall receive such remuneration, payable out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund, as the Parliament fixes. The remuneration of a President payable during a term of office shall not be altered during that term of office.
The Prime Minister may, by instrument signed by the Prime Minister, remove the President with effect immediately.
A Prime Minister who removes a President must seek the
approval of the House of Representatives for the removal of the President within thirty days after the removal, unless:
The failure of the House of Representatives to approve the removal of the President does not operate to reinstate the President who was removed.
(i)within that period, the House expires or is dissolved; or
(ii)before the removal, the House had expired or been dissolved, but a general election of members of the House had not taken place.
A vote of no confidence in the Prime Minister — a fundamental aspect of the Westminster system even though it may be rarely or never used (usually due to the rigidity and discipline of the two major party groupings) normally constitutes a vote of no confidence in the Government, which is bound, by convention, to resign. The President or Acting President of the time may exercise a reserve power in such circumstances to remove the Prime Minister from office if he refuses to resign.
The language I have used here draws on the language of my paragraphs (ii) and (iii) of the procedure for choosing the President in section 60 of my draft Constitution, and of the existing section 57 of the Constitution.
Recommendations:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
A Prime Minister who removes a President must seek the
approval of the House of Representatives for the removal of the President within thirty days after the removal, unless:
The vote of an absolute majority of the total number of
the members of the House of Representatives shall be required to approve the removal of the President from office.
The failure of the House of Representatives to approve the removal of the President does not operate to reinstate the President who was removed, nor to prevent President of the President who was removed from being choosing for a subsequent term as President or from being appointed to act as President; but the Prime Minister shall thereby be deemed to have lost the confidence of the House of Representatives.
Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the longest-serving State Governor available shall act as President if the office of President falls vacant. A State Governor is not available if the Governor has been removed (as acting President) by the current Prime Minister under section 62.
Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the Prime Minister may appoint the longest-serving State Governor available to act as President for any period, or part of a period, during which the President is incapacitated.
The constitutional model arising from the Constitutional Convention leaves the constitutional arrangements of a State up to a State. Thus, a State may retain the monarch as its head of state, or it may adopt (by default according to my proposals, or by positive action according to the Government's proposals) a republican form of government. There is no restriction on what form of republican government each State may adopt. A State may, for example, abolish the office of Governor and have the powers of the Governor exercised by the Speaker. Or, it may adopt a type of executive presidential system, with the position of Premier abolished and combined with that of a popularly elected Governor (much like American States). Or, it might institute popular election of the Governor and (inadvertently or deliberately) end up with a political figure as Governor. Or, a State may retain a monarchical form of government, resulting in the anomalous and absurd situation of its Governor acting as President but still subordinate to the Queen, and subject to removal from the office of Governor by the Queen, with such removal possibly also resulting in removal from office as Acting President! . Many outcomes could be countenanced, but here is just a few scenarios to consider:
Scenario (1): There is no legislation in force in respect of an acting President. State XYZ has modified its constitutional arrangements to provide for a popularly elected, executive Governor which combines the former offices of Governor and Premier. The office of President falls vacant, and the most senior State Governor, who happens to be the Governor of State XYZ, automatically assumes office as Acting President and immediately dismisses the Prime Minister (before the Prime Minister can dismiss him), who is his political rival. The Acting President finds a compliant accomplice in the person of the Opposition Leader, whom he appoints as Prime Minister. Constitutional crisis ensues.
Scenario (2): A party has a majority in both Houses of Parliament. The Parliament provides otherwise, specifying that the Prime Minister may appoint whomever he pleases to be Acting President, which he subsequently does after dismissing the incumbent President. The Prime Minister fails to initiate or carry through the processes to choose a new President, but rather appoints whomever he pleases to be Acting President indefinitely. The Acting President, an accomplice of the Prime Minister, refuses to take any punitive action against the Prime Minister.
Scenario (3): The Parliament provides otherwise, but the legislation is flawed to the extent that it becomes impossible to appoint an Acting President. As no acting President can be appointed, the law cannot be corrected to provide for an alternative means of appointing an Acting President (as laws could not be assented to), and the constitutional processes of the Commonwealth would progressively disintegrate. (E.g., a new President could never be chosen if the Parliament is not in session, a new Prime Minister could never be appointed, the Parliament could not be summoned, and laws could not be assented to.) A constitutional vacuum ensues, with unpredictable consequences.
Other scenarios which are also applicable to this provision are presented in my comments to the Government's proposed section 5 of the Constitution.
The provision also ignores the procedure for determining the point at which the President would be legally recognised as being incapacitated. It is impossible to provide a foolproof method here, but to reduce the possibility of constitutional vacuum, I propose that he would be so recognised on declaration of the same by any one of a number of prescribed officers, including the President himself, the Prime Minister, the President of the Senate, the Speaker, and such others as may be prescribed, and to further prevent abuse of this power, the President may at any time declare that he is not incapacitated, and disputes may be resolved by the High Court.
While there is little risk in practice that these scenarios could ever become reality, it would be folly to ignore the possibility, and prudent to make provision for these exceptional situations to ensure that they should never arise in the first place.
I propose that the convention of appointing the most senior State Governor as Acting President not be constitutionally entrenched. Instead, I propose that a list of officers be constitutionally entrenched as a default case, with the Parliament empowered to specify other officers, and the Parliament may, if it thinks fit, provide in this way for the most senior State Governor to act as President.
In this case, however, it would not seem possible to provide a mechanism which guarantees absolutely against constitutional vacuum; it is therefore essential that sufficient obstacles be placed before the possibility of constitutional vacuum to reduce the likelihood of its ever occurring to insignificant levels. The way I have handled this is to provide that the Parliament be given the option of providing for a Vice President - but only if it thinks fit to do so - and that a list of officers be used to determine who would assume the office of Acting President. The list is effectively limitless — the Parliament, and/or the President, may add to the list as they see fit.
Consistent with the Westminster principle of parliamentary supremacy, avoiding any tendency towards excessive concentration of power, roles and responsibility in the Executive Government and in the Prime Minister, the Prime Minister does not have, nor should he have, any direct role in the appointment of, or in the rules of accession relating to, an Acting President.
As the roles of Acting President and deputy of the President are distinct, I have separated the provisions relating to each into two parts, each with an appropriate heading.
Recommendations:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
If the office of President falls vacant, or if no President
has been chosen, or if the President is incapacitated,
an officer referred to in the following list, set forth in order of precedence,
shall thereupon act as President:
(ii) Such officers in such order of precedence as the Parliament may prescribe for the purpose.
(iii) The President of the Senate.
(iv) The Speaker of the House of Representatives.
(v) Such officers in such order of precedence as the President may, by Proclamation or otherwise, appoint for the purpose.
But an officer appearing on or referred to in the said list shall be disregarded if there is no such officer, or if such officer is absent from the Commonwealth, or is incapacitated, or resigns, or is or has been removed from the office of Acting President.
The President shall be deemed to be incapacitated upon declaration to that effect by the President, or by the Prime Minister, or by the President of the Senate, or by the Speaker, or by such officers as the Parliament may prescribe for the purpose, or by such officers as the President shall, by Proclamation or otherwise, appoint; but the President may, according to his discretion, declare that he is not, or has ceased to be, incapacitated, and any question of a dispute in regard to the incapacity of the President shall be determined by the High Court.
Term of office of Acting President
A person acting as President shall cease to act as President upon declaration of the same by the President, or when a successor to the President has entered upon the office, or when the incapacity of the President has ceased, or upon resignation or removal from office in like manner as the President, as the case may be.
Acting President to make oath or affirmation of office
A person acting as President shall not exercise a power or function of the President on any occasion unless he has in respect of that occasion of Acting President made and subscribed an oath or affirmation of office for the office of Acting President in the form set forth in Schedule I to this Constitution, and such oath or affirmation shall be administered in like manner as that administered to the President.
Recommendations:
Before the Government's proposed paragraph, add:
An Acting President shall receive such remuneration, payable out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund, as the Parliament fixes; but no such person shall be entitled to receive any remuneration from the Commonwealth in respect of any other office during such time as he acts as President.
Provisions relating to President to extend to Acting President
The appointment of such deputy or deputies shall not affect the exercise by the President personally (including while the President is absent from Australia) of any power or function.
Furthermore, a significant problem may arise with the "Until the Parliament otherwise provides" formulation as once the Parliament legislates, the effect of this provision is extinguished — probably never to be revived — with unpredictable and probably undesirable consequences.
Recommendations:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
The President may in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister appoint any person, or any persons jointly or severally, to be his deputy or deputies, and in that capacity to exercise during the pleasure of the President (including while the President is absent from Australia) such powers and functions of the President as the President thinks fit to assign to such deputy or deputies subject to any limitations expressed or directions given by the Prime Minister; but the appointment of such deputy or deputies shall not affect the exercise by the President himself (including while the President is absent from Australia) of any power or function.
Recommendations:
Omit (from the Constitution Alteration) the Government's proposed paragraph.
Recommendations:
Omit (from the Constitution Alteration) the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
A deputy of the President shall not exercise a power or
function of the President on any occasion:
(ii) except at the request of the President, acting in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister, that he exercise that power or function on that occasion;
(iii) unless since being appointed a deputy of the President he has made and subscribed an oath or affirmation of office for the office of deputy of the President in the form set forth in Schedule I to this Constitution, and such oath or affirmation shall be administered in like manner as that administered to the President.
Recommendations:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
A person exercising powers of functions as a deputy of the President shall receive such remuneration, payable out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund, as the Parliament fixes.
4 At the end of Chapter II
Add, in Chapter II:
Until the Parliament otherwise provides, but subject to this Constitution, any prerogative enjoyed by the Crown in right of the Commonwealth immediately before the office of Governor-General ceased to exist shall be enjoyed in like manner by the Commonwealth and, in particular, any such prerogative enjoyed by the Governor-General shall be enjoyed by the President.
Furthermore, a significant problem may arise with the "Until the Parliament otherwise provides" formulation as once the Parliament legislates, the effect of this provision is extinguished — probably never to be revived — with unpredictable and probably undesirable consequences.
Recommendations:
After the first paragraph of the Government's proposed
section 59 of the Constitution, add:
Subject to this Constitution, any prerogative derived from the royal prerogative and enjoyed by the Crown in right of the Commonwealth immediately before the office of Governor-General ceased to exist shall continue to be enjoyed by the President, or by the
Commonwealth, as the case may be.
The reference to "conventions" in the preceding sentence, in section 59 and in section 127 shall be construed as including a reference to the conventions that related to the exercise of a power by the Governor-General, and the reference to "reserve power" in the preceding sentence and in section 59 shall be construed as being a reference to powers which were reserve powers of the Governor-General.
5 Schedule
Repeal the Schedule, substitute:
Part 1—Oath or affirmation of allegiance: Members of Parliament
Under God I swear that I will be loyal to the Commonwealth of Australia and the Australian people, whose laws I will uphold.
I solemnly and sincerely affirm that I will be loyal to the Commonwealth of Australia and the Australian people, whose laws I will uphold.
Part 2—Oath or affirmation of office: President
Under God I swear that I will be loyal to the Commonwealth of Australia and the Australian people, whose rights and liberties I respect and whose laws I will uphold, and that I will serve the Australian people according to law without fear or favour.
I solemnly and sincerely affirm that I will be loyal to the Commonwealth of Australia and the Australian people, whose rights and liberties I respect and whose laws I will uphold, and that I will serve the Australian people according to law without fear or favour.
Another surprising omission is that there is no provision for the person taking the oath to include his or her name within the oath! I would suggest that allowing for the inclusion of a name strengthens the connection of the oath with the person taking the oath. It is a very simple matter to include the person's name.
I would suggest that, in order to highlight its significance, the word "people" be capitalised. As a minor typographical alteration, I would suggest that, for the sake of consistency with the chapter headings, Roman, rather than Hindu-Arabic, numerals be used to designate the schedules; namely, Schedule I and Schedule II.
Recommendations:
Change "Schedule 1" to "Schedule I" and "Schedule 2"
to "Schedule II".
Also, change:
OATH
Under God, I, A.B., do swear that I will be loyal to the Commonwealth of Australia and the Australian People, whose rights and liberties I respect, whose democratic beliefs I share, and whose laws I will uphold, and that I will well and truly serve the Australian People according to law without fear or favour.
AFFIRMATION
I, A.B., do solemnly and sincerely affirm that I will be loyal to the Commonwealth of Australia and the Australian People, whose rights and liberties I respect, whose democratic beliefs I share, and whose laws I will uphold, and that I will well and truly serve the Australian People according to law without fear or favour.
Part 2—Oath or affirmation of office
OATH
Under God, I, A.B., do swear that I will be loyal to the Commonwealth of Australia and the Australian People, whose rights and liberties I respect, whose democratic beliefs I share, and whose laws I will uphold; that I will well and truly serve the Australian People according to law without fear or favour; and that I will faithfully and conscientiously fulfil the duties of the office of President of the Commonwealth of Australia.
AFFIRMATION
I, A.B., do solemnly and sincerely affirm that I will be loyal to the Commonwealth of Australia and the Australian People, whose rights and liberties I respect, whose democratic beliefs I share, and whose laws I will uphold; that I will well and truly serve the Australian People according to law without fear or favour; and that I will faithfully and conscientiously fulfil the duties of the office of President of the Commonwealth of Australia.
(NOTE - The title of the office of President of the Commonwealth of Australia is to be substituted with the title of such other office as the case may require.)
Recommendation:
Add the following section to the Constitution Alteration.
6 Section 63A
Add:
The Parliament may provide that there shall be a Vice President, but in the absence of such provision, there shall be no Vice President.
The provisions of this Constitution relating to the President extend and apply to the Vice President, except that the Vice President shall not exercise a power or function of the President on any occasion except when acting as President or as a deputy of the President.
The Vice President shall be chosen in like manner as is the President, and the procedure for nomination and choosing of a Vice President shall, as nearly as practicable, be conducted at the same time and in like manner as that for the President, except that in choosing a Vice President, a vote by the joint sitting of the members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives shall be conducted separately from the vote by the joint sitting to choose a President, and the incoming Vice President shall enter upon his office at the same time as the incoming President, or as soon as practicable thereafter, whereupon the term of the outgoing Vice President shall be deemed to have expired.
Recommendation:
Add the following section to the Constitution Alteration.
7 Section 67A, at the beginning of Part V
Add:
There shall be a Constitutional Council, with such powers of administration as the Parliament deems necessary for the execution and maintenance, within the Commonwealth, of those provisions of this Constitution which vest functions and powers therein, and of all laws made under those provisions.
Composition of Constitutional Council
The members of the Constitutional Council shall be -
(ii) Ex officio voting members, comprising -
(b) the Speaker of the House of Representatives;
(c) the Prime Minister (or his designated substitute);
(d) two members of Parliament, appointed by the Prime Minister, belonging to the party or coalition of parties of the Prime Minister;
(e) the Leader of the Opposition (or his designated substitute);
(f) two members of Parliament, appointed by the Leader of the Opposition, belonging to the party or coalition of parties of the Leader of the Opposition;
(g) the leaders (or their designated substitutes) of parties or coalitions of parties as the case may be, other than those of the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition, having five or more members in the Parliament;
(h) such other ex officio voting members as the Parliament provides;
Unless the Parliament otherwise provides, the President of the Senate shall be the Convenor of the Constitutional Council.
Resignation of member of Constitutional Council
A member of the Constitutional Council may resign his office by writing addressed to the Convenor.
Quorum of Constitutional Council
The presence of at least sixteen voting members shall be necessary to constitute a meeting of the Constitutional Council for the exercise of its powers.
Voting in Constitutional Council
Subject to this Constitution, questions arising in the Constitutional Council shall be determined by a majority of votes, and each voting member shall have one vote. The Convenor shall in all cases be entitled to vote; and when the votes are equal the Convenor shall have a casting vote.
Community members
The qualifications of a community member of the Constitutional Council shall be the same as those of the President.
The community members of the Constitutional Council -
(ii) Shall hold office at the pleasure of the Parliament;
(iii) Shall receive such remuneration, payable out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund, as the Parliament fixes; but such remuneration shall not be altered during their continuance in office.
Omit "The Schedule", substitute:
I also propose certain typographical alterations, including that Roman numerals be used (consistent with chapter headings), and that words be capitalised (also consistent with chapter headings).
I will comment at greater length on this at the point
where the proposed Schedule II is discussed in detail in this document.
2 Section 1
Omit "Queen", substitute "President".
Comments:
Agreed.
3 Sections 2, 3 and 4
Repeal the sections.
Comments:
Agreed.
4 Sections 5, 7 and 15
Omit "Governor-General", substitute "President".
Comments:
In respect of section 7 and 15, agreed.
However, in respect of section 5, see my general comments near the beginning of this document.
The powers of the President under this session, being powers of the "President" rather than of the "President in Council", fall within the scope of potential future development of the reserve powers. These powers include:
Let me give some examples (not an exhaustive list) of the chaos that might potentially result if my recommendations are not heeded:
Scenario (1): There is legislation in force in respect of an acting President which has rendered the effect of the Government's recommendation that the most senior State Governor take office as Acting President dead, apart from its effect to confer power to provide otherwise. A mischievous government with a majority in both Houses repeals this legislation, and the Prime Minister subsequently advises the President to prorogue Parliament. The Prime Minister then dismisses President without explanation. Parliament cannot be summoned to meet, as there is no President and can be no acting President. A constitutional vacuum ensues, with unpredictable consequences.
Scenario (2): There is no legislation in force in respect of an acting President. The most senior State Governor therefore takes office as acting President should the need arise. A mischievous Prime Minister advises the President to prorogue the Parliament, which he does. The Prime Minister prepares a dismissal notice for the President and for all State Governors and arranges the notices dismissing the State Governors in order of the seniority of the State Governors. He then signs the dismissal notice for the President (whereupon the most senior State Governor immediately takes office as Acting President) and proceeds to sign each notice dismissing each of the State Governors at the instant that each takes office. Parliament cannot be summoned to meet, as there is no President and can be no acting President. A constitutional vacuum ensues, with unpredictable consequences.
Scenario (3): Take either scenario (1) or scenario (2) above. If the Prime Minister, instead of advising that the Parliament be prorogued, advises that the Parliament be dissolved, or that the House of Representatives be dissolved, and during the ensuing period constitutional the Prime Minister remains in office, after the expiration of three months, the Prime Minister and all Ministers will automatically cease to hold office (according to an interpretation of section 64). The country will be left without a President, without an Executive Government, and without a House of Representatives or even without a Parliament.
While there is little risk in practice that the Prime Minister or an Executive Government would abuse their power in this manner, it would be folly to ignore the possibility, and prudent to make provision for these exceptional situations to ensure that they should never arise in the first place. As the only means of restoring some semblance of government under such circumstances of constitutional vacuum would be by unconstitutional means, opportunistic individuals who do not have the best interests of democracy at heart might take advantage of the situation to attain power with undesirable and completely unpredictable results.
I propose that the President be required to act when
Recommendations:
Repeal section 5, substitute:
Subject to this Constitution, the President in Council
may appoint such times for holding the sessions of the Parliament as he
thinks fit, and may also from time to time, by Proclamation or otherwise,
summon the Parliament, or convene a joint sitting of the members of the
Senate and of the House of Representatives, or prorogue the Parliament,
or dissolve the House of Representatives, notwithstanding that the President
may, according to his discretion, from time to time, by Proclamation or
otherwise, summon the Parliament, or convene a joint sitting of the members
of the Senate and of the House of Representatives.
Summoning Parliament
After any general election the President shall summon the Parliament to meet not later than thirty days after the day appointed for the return of the writs.
Parliament summoned automatically
If there is no President or no person acting as President, or if the President refuses or otherwise fails to summon the Parliament or convene a joint sitting when so advised by the Federal Executive Council, or when otherwise required by this Constitution, the Parliament shall be deemed to have been summoned or a joint sitting convened at noon one week from the date on which the President had been advised by the Federal Executive Council to summon the Parliament or convene a joint sitting, or from the date on which he had otherwise been required to summon the Parliament or to convene a joint sitting.
5 Section 17 (heading)
Add at the end "of the Senate".
Comments:
Agreed.
6 Section 17
After "President" (second, third and fourth occurring), insert "of the Senate".
Comments:
Agreed.
7 Section 17
Omit "Governor-General", substitute "President of the Commonwealth".
Comments:
Agreed.
8 Section 18 (heading)
Add at the end "of the Senate".
Comments:
Agreed.
9 Section 18
After "President", insert "of the Senate".
Comments:
Agreed.
10 Section 19
Omit "to the President, or to the Governor-General if there is no President or if the President", substitute "to the President of the Senate, or to the President of the Commonwealth if there is no President of the Senate or if the President of the Senate".
Comments:
Agreed.
11 Section 21
Omit "the President, or if there is no President or if the President is absent from the Commonwealth the Governor-General", substitute "the President of the Senate, or if there is no President of the Senate or if the President of the Senate is absent from the Commonwealth, the President of the Commonwealth".
Comments:
Agreed.
12 Section 23
After "President", insert "of the Senate".
Comments:
Agreed.
13 Section 28
Omit "Governor-General", substitute "President".
Comments:
This provision is redundant in so far as it is simply
a confirmation of, or repetition of, powers already defined in other provisions
of the Constitution. One such provision in the current Constitution,
and also under the Government's proposed amendment, and also under my proposed
amendment (see my comments on clause 4 of Schedule 2 of the Constitution Alteration),
is section 5, and I propose another provision be included dealing with
the reserve powers of the President to dissolve the House of Representatives,
which I will discuss further in relation to provisions in respect of the
removal from office of the Prime Minister.
By having this provision simply make reference to the other provisions, it is not necessary to repeat those provisions, or any changes made to those provisions, in this provision.
Recommendation:
Omit "but may be sooner dissolved by the Governor-General",
substitute "unless sooner dissolved by the President in accordance with
this Constitution". The section would then read as follows:
Every House of Representatives shall continue for three years from the first meeting of the House, and no longer, unless sooner dissolved by the President in accordance with this Constitution.
14 Sections 32 and 33
Omit "Governor-General in Council", substitute "President in Council".
Comments:
In so far as this section obliges the Governor-General
in Council to act, the role of the advice of the Federal Executive Council
is redundant. Should it refer to the "Governor-General" rather than
to the "Governor-General in Council", there would be no reason why the
Governor-General should be any more or less likely to fulfil this obligation.
Furthermore, by removing spent provisions, this section can be rendered more lexicographically tidy.
Recommendation:
Repeal section 32, substitute:
The President shall cause writs to be issued for general elections of members of the House of Representatives within ten days from the expiry of a House of Representatives or from the proclamation of a dissolution thereof.
15 Paragraph 34(ii)
Repeal the paragraph, substitute:
I suggest that this be reworded not only to continue to provide for the conferral of power to thus legislate (as the Government has already seen fit to do in its proposed section 66 of the Constitution), but also to enshrine certain key minimum prescriptions which, as they are already thus legislated, would actually not alter the existing legal regime.
The apparent attempt also to render the language non-sexist sits poorly in the context of the rest of the section, and of the Constitution — even the previous paragraph employs the generic pronoun "he". I would suggest that, while not questioning its merits, the task of removing what some perceive to be sexist language be left to some later time.
Recommendation:
Repeal the section, substitute:
The qualifications of a member of the House of Representatives
shall be as follows:-
(ii) He must be an Australian citizen;
(iii) Such other qualifications as the Parliament may prescribe.
16 Sections 35, 37 and 42
Omit "Governor-General", substitute "President".
Comments:
Agreed.
17 Section 42
Omit "the schedule", substitute "Schedule 1".
Comments:
Agreed, but use Roman numerals instead of Hindu-Arabic
numerals.
Recommendation:
Omit (from the Constitution Alteration) "Schedule 1", substitute "Schedule I".
18 Paragraph 44(iv)
Repeal the paragraph, substitute:
Recommendation:
Omit clause 18 from the Constitution Alteration; i.e.
do not repeal or substitute the paragraph in the Constitution. Define
the Crown in the proposed section 127 — see my comments on the proposed
section 127.
19 Section 44
Omit "Queen's" (first and second occurring).
Comments:
Agreed.
20 Section 44
Omit "or to the receipt of pay, half pay, or a pension, by any person as an officer or member of the Queen's navy or army,".
Comments:
Agreed, but also modernise certain references to the
military forces.
Recommendation:
Omit "naval or military" from section 44 of the Constitution, substitute "military".
21 Sections 56 and 57
Omit "Governor-General" (wherever occurring), substitute "President".
Comments:
Agreed.
22 Section 57
Omit "for the Queen's assent", substitute "for assent".
Comments:
Agreed.
23 Section 58
Repeal the section, substitute:
When a proposed law passed by both Houses of the Parliament is presented to the President for assent, the President shall, according to the President's discretion but subject to this Constitution, assent to the law or withhold assent.
Recommendations by President
The President may return to the House in which it originated any proposed law so presented, and may transmit therewith any amendments which the President may recommend, and the Houses may deal with the recommendation.
24 Section 64
Repeal the section, substitute:
The President may appoint officers to administer such departments of State of the Commonwealth as the President in Council may establish. Such officers shall hold office during the pleasure of the President. They shall be members of the Federal Executive Council and shall be the Ministers of State for the Commonwealth.
Ministers to sit in Parliament
After the first general election no Minister of State shall hold office for a longer period than three months unless the person is or becomes a senator or a member of the House of Representatives.
Additionally, the Government fails to take the opportunity to have the Constitution codify certain conventions regarding the appointment of the Prime Minister. It is possible to do so without unnecessarily restricting the discretionary powers of the President, but a clear abuse of that discretion can be averted by enabling the House of Representatives to declare that a person other than that appointed by the President as Prime Minister commands the confidence of the House of Representatives, in which case the President would be bound to appoint that person.
If these powers are not codified, they could be abused; some examples follow:
Scenario (1): There is no Prime Minister (either due to the death or resignation of a Prime Minister), and the President refuses to appoint a new Prime Minister. The President then appoints his own Ministers (but not a Prime Minister) and exercises whatever powers of the office he is able to under the circumstances. As there is no Prime Minister, the President cannot be removed from office. He may appoint a ???colluder/co-conspirator (either inside or outside Parliament) to be Prime Minister if needs be, but may terminate the commission at the instant the desired power has been exercised.
Scenario (2): The President may defy convention and appoint as Prime Minister a person who does not command the confidence of the House of Representatives. He may appoint a ???colluder/co-conspirator who may have privately agreed with the President not to dismiss the President in return for the appointment, and the two may act in concert to abuse the power of their offices.
Recommendation:
Omit the Government's proposed section, substitute:
A Prime Minister shall be the chief Minister of State for the Commonwealth.
President to appoint Prime Minister
Not later than ten days after the day appointed for the return of the writs after any general election, or not later than ten days after the office of Prime Minister becomes vacant, the President shall appoint as Prime Minister that person whom he believes would be most likely to command the confidence of the House of Representatives.
Prime Minister to command confidence of the House of Representatives
But if the House of Representatives declares that another person commands the confidence of the House of Representatives, the President shall appoint that person to be Prime Minister.
Term of office of Prime Minister
The Prime Minister shall hold office, subject to this Constitution, until he dies, resigns, or is removed from office by the President in accordance with this Constitution.
The Leader of the Opposition
The person who leads the party or coalition of parties which, apart from the party or coalition of parties of which the Prime Minister leads or is a member, occupies the greatest number of seats in the House of Representatives, shall be known as the Leader of the Opposition.
25 Section 65
Omit "Governor-General", substitute "President".
Comments:
This section, and section 66 as amended, could be combined
and reworded to compliment my proposed section 59. This not only
ends the unusually dual nature of the offices of Federal Executive Councillor
and Minister of State (see my comments to section 3 of Schedule 1 of the
legislation dealing with amendments to section 59) but takes the opportunity
to codify certain conventions relating to the appointment of Ministers,
the determination of their portfolios, and the number of Ministers.
The meaning and effect of my substituted amendment does not change the
status quo.
Recommendation:
Omit section 65, substitute:
The President, in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister, shall appoint and remove from office Ministers of State, and may appoint such Ministers of State to administer such departments of State of the Commonwealth as the President in Council may establish.
Offices held by Ministers
The Ministers of State shall hold such offices as the Parliament prescribes, or, in the absence of provision, as the President, in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister, directs.
Ministers to sit in Parliament
No Minister of State shall hold office for a longer period than three months unless he is or becomes a senator or a member of the House of Representatives.
Number of Ministers of State
Unless the Parliament otherwise provides, the Ministers of State shall not exceed seven in number.
Remuneration of Ministers
The Ministers of State shall receive as remuneration such annual sum, payable out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund, as the Parliament fixes.
26 Section 66
Repeal the section, substitute:
There shall be payable out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund, for the salaries of the Ministers of State, such annual sum as is fixed by the Parliament.
It is particularly noteworthy that the Government has decided here to transform an "until the Parliament otherwise provides" type provision, which establishes initial default provisions and provides for the conferral of power, into a provision which simply provides for the conferral of power. I have advocated this in respect of a number of other provisions, and in some cases have also specified minimum conditions which apply at all times (e.g., my proposed amendment in this document to section 34) or default conditions which come into effect whenever the Parliament has not, or ceases to, otherwise provide (effected simply by using the word "unless" instead of the word "until").
In place of this provision in section 66, I propose that a provision be insert with codifies some of the reserve powers of the President to dismiss the Prime Minister and to dissolve, or refuse to dissolve, the Prime Minister.
Recommendation:
Omit the Government's proposed paragraph, substitute:
The President may, according to his discretion, remove from office a Prime Minister who has lost the confidence of the House of Representatives and has failed to resign, unless the Prime Minister or the Federal Executive Council has advised the President to dissolve the House of Representatives, and President has accepted that advice.
Refusal to dissolve the House of Representatives
The President may, according to his discretion, refuse to dissolve the House of Representatives on the advice of the Federal Executive Council when a Prime Minister has lost the confidence of the House of Representatives or has not yet obtained it.
Executive Government behaving unlawfully
If the President believes that the Executive Government of the Commonwealth is breaching this Constitution, or is not complying with an order of a court, or is persisting in other unlawful behaviour, the President may, according to his discretion, dissolve the House of Representatives or dissolve the House of Representatives and remove the Prime Minister from office. In the event of the Prime Minister being so removed from office, the President may, according to his discretion, appoint as Prime Minister such other person who the President believes will take all reasonable steps to end the contravention and who will maintain the administration of the Commonwealth pending the outcome of the general election following such dissolution.
27 Section 67
Omit "Governor-General in Council" (wherever occurring), substitute "President in Council".
Comments:
Agreed. Rather than retaining this as an "until
the Parliament otherwise provides" type provision, which establishes initial
default provisions and provides for the conferral of power, I would transform
this section into one which establishes default conditions which come into
effect whenever the Parliament has not, or ceases to, otherwise provide,
effected simply by using the word "unless" instead of the word "until".
Recommendation:
Omit "Until" from section 67 of the Constitution, substitute "Unless".
28 Section 68
Omit "the Governor-General as the Queen's representative", substitute "the President".
Comments:
The powers of the President under this session, being
powers of the "President" rather than of the "President in Council", fall
within the scope of potential future development of the reserve powers.
The ability of the President (according to his discretion) to expand the
scope of the reserve powers to include the exercise the Command in Chief
of the military forces in addition to those occasions when so advised by
the Executive Government is completely inappropriate.
I would also reorganise the language to modernise certain references and to render it more lexicographically tidy.
Recommendation:
Repeal the section of the Constitution, substitute:
The President shall be the Commander in Chief of the military forces of the Commonwealth, but any power or function vested in the President as Commander in Chief shall be exercised or performed only in accordance with the advice of the Federal Executive Council.
29 Section 69
Omit "by the Governor-General".
Comments:
Given that this section is spent, it is a pity that the Government has decided simply to amend the section by deleting a reference to the Governor-General rather than to maintain the provision of the Exposure Draft, which provided that the section be repealed.
This would have been a convenient point in the Constitution to insert a non-exhaustive codification of the the powers of the President in Council deriving from the prerogative, such as I recommend below.
Recommendation:
Repeal section 69 of the Constitution, substitute:
The President in Council shall, subject to such regulations
as the Parliament prescribes, have power to -
(ii) Appoint ambassadors, consuls and other diplomatic representatives:
(iii) Grant reprieves and pardons:
(iv) Confer honours and titles, provided that no such honour or title shall be hereditary.
30 Section 70 (heading)
Repeal the heading, substitute:
Recommendation:
Move this section of the Constitution to Schedule II—Temporary and transitional
provisions.
31 At the end of section 70
Add:
Recommendation:
Move this section of the Constitution to Schedule II—Temporary and transitional
provisions.
32 Section 72
Omit "Governor-General" (wherever occurring), substitute "President".
Comments:
Agreed. However, the paragraph reading
Recommendation:
Omit (from the Constitution) the paragraph reading "Nothing in the provisions
added to this section by the Constitution Alteration (Retirement of Judges)
1977 affects the continuance of a person in office as a Justice of a court
under an appointment made before the commencement of those provisions."
and add to Schedule II—Temporary and Transitional Provisions:
Nothing in the provisions added to section 72 by the Constitution
Alteration (Retirement of Judges) 1977 affects
the continuance of a person in office as a Justice of
a court under an appointment made before the commencement of
those provisions.
33 Section 73
Repeal the last sentence, substitute:
The reference to the Privy Council in paragraph 73(ii), which reads:
Recommendation:
In Paragraph 73(ii) of the Constitution: omit:
From:
Recommendation:
Omit from the paragraph of section 73 of the Constitution quoted above:
34 Section 74
Repeal the section.
Comments:
Agreed.
35 Section 83
Repeal the second sentence.
Comments:
Agreed.
36 Paragraph 85(i)
Repeal the paragraph, substitute:
Recommendation:
In paragraph 85(ii) of the Constitution, omit:
37 Section 103
Omit "Governor-General in Council" (wherever occurring), substitute "President in Council".
Comments:
Agreed.
38 Section 117
Omit "A subject of the Queen", substitute "An Australian citizen".
Comments:
Agreed.
39 Section 117
Omit "a subject of the Queen", substitute "an Australian citizen".
Comments:
Agreed.
40 Section 122
Omit "by the Queen".
Comments:
Agreed, but also define the term "Territory of the Commonwealth",
without change of meaning or effect, simply in order to distinguish this
usage of the term "territory" from other instances of its usage (e.g. in
sections 104, 123 and 124) and any possible future usage (e.g. to use,
wherever necessary, instead of the term "Colony"), and to eliminate all
possibility of ambiguity.
Recommendation:
Add at the end of section 122 of the Constitution:
41 Section 126
Repeal the section, substitute:
This Constitution, and all laws made under it by the Parliament of the Commonwealth, shall be binding on the courts, judges, and people of every State and of every part of the Commonwealth, notwithstanding anything in the laws of any State.
In this Constitution:
Australian citizen means a person who is an Australian citizen according to the laws made by Parliament.
The Commonwealth means the Commonwealth of Australia under this Constitution.
The original States means New South Wales, Queensland, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia and South Australia.
The President in Council means the President acting with the advice of the Federal Executive Council.
The States means the original States, and such territories as may be admitted into or established by the Commonwealth as States.
Regarding "Australian citizen":
It is curious that powers of the Parliament to legislate with respect to citizenship are simply implied by a definition when adding this explicitly as a head of power in section 51 would have left no doubt, and would also have obviated the need for a separate definition! I would place the definition of "the
original States" just before that of "the State", as the two are obviously closely related.
Regarding "the President in Council":
The definition of "the President in Council" should be
modified slightly to state more clearly that the President in such cases
is obliged to act not simply "with" the advice of the Federal Executive
Council but "in accordance with" its advice, which unambiguously ensure that it can be construed in no other way. Why be content to leave a provision ambiguous when it can so easily be rendered unambiguous?
This definition of the President in Council should be read in conjunction with my draft Constitution's section 59, under the heading "Exercise of Presidential Powers". As I proposed in my general comments toward the beginning of this document, the respective roles of the President and of the President in Council should be clearly delineated so as to in turn clearly define the scope of the future development (if any) of the reserve powers/conventions. References to the President in Council, or to the President acting only in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister or of another Minister, can never fall within the scope of existing or possible future reserve powers/conventions, whereas references to the President, conceivably, can.
Regarding "the Crown":
I question the need to remove references to "the Crown"
from the Constitution; in fact, apparently inconsistently, some references
are retained, whilst it is proposed that others be removed. The term
will continue to be used in certain circumstances, though under a republican
system of government, it clearly does not refer to the monarch, but to
the state (in the sense of the system of civil rule and government), and
its continued use is not necessarily antithetical to a republican system.
This, of course, includes not only the Executive Government of the Commonwealth,
a State or a Territory, but also the Judicature and other organs such as
the Inter-State Commission and local government. Alternatives to
the term "Crown" (such as "the Commonwealth, the States and the Territories) tend to be clumsy and cumbersome phrases, and may well not be identical in meaning. For historical
as well as practical reasons, it would seem to make more sense to continue
to use the term Crown, and to define its meaning — such a definition would
then also cover references to the Crown in legislation.
It is worth noting that the terms "Crown" and "State" are ambiguous. In the first instance, the term "Crown", when it refers to an individual personage, refers to the Head of State, whereas in the second instance, it means the relatively impersonal organs of civil rule and government. "State", in the first instance, means the second tier of government in the federation (e.g. as in "the State of New South Wales") whereas in the second instance, it means the organs of civil rule and government (e.g. as in "Head of State", "Minister of State" or "separation of Church and State") — in fact, it is the same as the second meaning of "Crown". As long as these ambiguities exist, there will be some unavoidable lexicographical untidiness, and, as some might argue, inappropriate use of the term "Crown" in a republican context. It would be lexicographically tidier if the term "Crown" (2nd meaning) were replaced by a term such as "Union" (used in the United States and in India) or "State" (2nd meaning). If replaced by the term "State" (2nd meaning), in order to avoid ambiguity with the 1st meaning of "State", it might be desirable to replace the term "State" (1st meaning) with a term such as "Province". Thus, for example, "office of profit under the Crown" would become "office of profit under the State", and "shall be in the State of New South Wales" would become "shall be in the Province of New South Wales". References to the Crown as an individual personage would no longer be ambiguous, and could thus either be retained as such or replaced by references to the President. The Indian Constitution uses the term "State" with both meanings. However, references to the "Crown" in law and in conventional usage are ubiquitous, and retention of the current terminologies, if nothing more, is convenient. If express references to the monarch need to be made in the Consitution, it would be sufficient to use the word "Queen", as is already done in many instances throughout the Constitution.
Regarding "reserve power":
The term "reserve power" has been introduced for the first time into the Constitution with no definition; however, it is easy to define, and for the sake of clarity, should be defined.
Recommendation:
In Schedule 2 of the Bill, add a new section:
In paragraph (xix), before the word "naturalization", add "citizenship, ".
The reference to "conventions" in the preceding sentence, in section 59 and in section 127 shall be construed as including a reference to the conventions that related to the exercise of a power by the Governor-General, and the reference to "reserve power" in the preceding sentence and in section 59 shall be construed as being a reference to powers which were reserve powers of the Governor-General.
Reserve power means a power which can be exercised by the President acting according to his discretion, and which can be exercised with, without, or contrary to, the advice of the Federal Executive Council, or of the Prime Minister, or of any other Minister of State.
42 Section 128
Omit "Governor-General" (wherever occurring), substitute "President".
Comments:
Agreed.
Also, in accordance with the my recommendation to the Government's proposed amendment to section 122 in Schedule 2, clause 40 of the Constitution Alteration, I would employ the term "Territory of the Commonwealth" instead of the term "Territory", without change of meaning or effect, simply in order to eliminate all possibility of ambiguity.
Recommendation:
Omit (from section 128 of the Constitution) "Territory" (wherever occurring) and substitute "Territory of the Commonwealth"
43 Section 128
Omit "the Queen's".
Comments:
Agreed.
Comments (on the following recommendation):
Most of the Covering Clauses are spent, obsolete or redundant.
I propose that those which are spent, obsolete or redundant be repealed,
and that those which may have some continuing effect be moved to Schedule
II—Transitional and Temporary Provisions.
Recommendation:
Add a section to the effect of the following to the Constitution Alteration.
Covering clauses 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Move covering clauses 7 and 8 to Schedule II—Transitional
and Temporary Provisions, and repeal covering clauses 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6.
Comments (on the following recommendation):
These provisions confer powers on the Parliament to legislate
with respect to certain matters, but also include provisions which are
spent. I propose that spent provisions be removed and that the provisions
be reworded, wherever necessary, but so that they shall convey an identical
meaning.
Recommendation:
Add a section to the effect of the following to the Constitution Alteration.
Sections 10, 13, 29, 30, 31, 88, 90 (first sentence),
92 (first sentence), 94, 96, 97, 112
Amend to remove spent provisions and to provide for the
conferral of the power to legislate or for limitations to powers, as the
case may be. Amend as per my draft Constitution.
Comments (on the following recommendation):
This change simply reflects the amendment to the body
of the section.
Recommendation:
Add a section to the effect of the following to the Constitution Alteration.
Sections 31 (heading)
Omit the heading, substitute "Method of election of members"
Comments (on the following recommendation):
These provisions are wholly spent, obsolete or outmoded,
and I propose that they be repealed.
Recommendation:
Add a section to the effect of the following to the Constitution Alteration.
Sections 7 (2nd paragraph), 15 (4th paragraph et seq.),
25, 26, 84 (last paragraph), 86, 87, 89, 90 (second sentence), 92 (second
sentence), 93, 95, 125 (last sentence)
Spent, obsolete and outmoded provisions. Repeal
the provisions.
Comments (on the following recommendation):
Certain provisions of the Constitution make provision
unless the Parliament otherwise provides. As the Government
has indicated in respect of section 34, if the Parliament were to otherwise
provide but then repeal such legislation, the "default" provisions of the
section would probably revive. In such cases, I have substituted
the word "unless" instead of "until" in order to more clearly indicate
that this is the case.
Recommendation:
Add a section to the effect of the following to the Constitution Alteration.
Sections 46, 47, 48, 51(xxxvi), 52(ii)
Other consequential amendments. Amend as per my
draft Constitution.
Comments (on the following recommendation):
Certain provisions use language which is vague or outmoded,
and I propose that these be clarified or that the language be modernised,
as the case may be. Namely:
Sections 41, 46, 48, 51(vi), 51(xxxviii), 52(ii), 71,
75(ii)
Other consequential amendments. Amend as per my
draft Constitution.
Comments (on the following recommendation):
Certain provisions are purely transitional in nature,
and may have continuing effect. These provisions will at some time
become spent. I propose that they simply be moved to Schedule II—Transitional
and Temporary Provisions.
Recommendation:
Add a section to the effect of the following to the Constitution Alteration.
Sections 49 (from the words "and until declared"),
105A(2), 107, 108
Move to Schedule II—Transitional and Temporary Provisions.
Amend as per my draft Constitution.
Comments (on the following recommendation):
Section 116 deals with a limitation on the powers of
the Commonwealth, but anomalously, it is located within the chapter entitled
"The States". I proposed that this simply be moved to a new section
52A, which is in the same region of the Constitution as other provisions
dealing with the legislative power of the Commonwealth.
Recommendation:
Add a section to the effect of the following to the Constitution Alteration.
Section 116
Move the section to s52A as per my draft Constitution.
Comments (on the following recommendation):
It may be necessary or convenient to include certain
other transitional and temporary provisions, most of which have already
been referred to in this paper — please see my draft Constitution.
Recommendation:
Add a section to the effect of the following to the Constitution Alteration.
Clauses 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18,
19, 20 and 21 of Schedule II
Add certain transitional and temporary provisions.
Amend as per my draft Constitution.
Add:
1 The Governor-General
The office of Governor-General ceases to exist at the commencement of Schedules 1 and 2 to the Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999.
The first President may be chosen before the office of Governor-General ceases to exist, as if the provisions of this Constitution relating to the choice of the President had commenced when the Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999 was enacted.
The first President's term of office begins on 1 January 2001. The person chosen shall make and subscribe the President's oath or affirmation of office under section 60 on or before that day.
But if no person is chosen as the first President before that day, the first President's term of office begins on the day after the person chosen makes the oath or affirmation. Until that term begins, a person shall act as President in accordance with section 63.
Recommendation:
Omit from the end your proposed section 2:
Recommendation:
In the second paragraph of your proposed section 2, omit
the words:
Before the office of Governor-General ceases to exist, the Parliament may make laws that the Parliament could have made after that time because of the enactment of the Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999, and such laws may take effect before that time.
The alterations of this Constitution made by the Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999 do not affect:
(i) the validity or continued effect, after the office of Governor-General ceases to exist, of anything done before that time under this Constitution or under the law in force in the Commonwealth; or
(ii) the continuity of the Parliament and its proceedings after the office of Governor-General ceases to exist; or
(iii) the qualifications of a senator or a member of the House of Representatives for the remainder of the term of a person who is a senator or member when the office of Governor-General ceases to exist; or
(iv) the continuity of the Executive Government of the Commonwealth, including in particular the membership and proceedings of the Federal Executive Council, after the office of Governor-General ceases to exist; or
(v) the continuity of courts and their jurisdiction and proceedings after the office of Governor-General ceases to exist.
After the office of Governor-General ceases to exist, anything done before that time for the purposes of a provision of this Constitution by the Governor-General, or by the Governor-General in Council, has effect as if it had been done by the President, or by the President in Council, as the case requires.
A State that has not altered its laws to sever its links with the Crown by the time the office of Governor-General ceases to exist retains its links with the Crown until it has so altered its laws.
A simple solution would be to a enable a State's Parliament to resolve to have the Queen to continue to be head of state of the State for whatever reason it thinks fit, but in the absence of such resolution, the provisions of my proposed amended section 110 and of my proposed amended clause here would ensure that a smooth, automatic transition to a republican form of government could occur. Each State would be free to allow, or not to allow, these provisions to take effect automatically; however, I would suggest that if for no other reason than for the sake of convenience, some, of not all of the States would take advantage of the existence of my proposed provisions.
To avoid confusion with a republican interpretation of the term "Crown", the term "Queen" should be used instead to refer to the monarch (as it already is in so many other sections of the Constitution).
Recommendation:
Rather than the Government's proposed section, substitute:
But after the office of Governor-General ceases to exist,
in the absence of a resolution that the Queen shall continue to be head
of state of the State, or following a resolution by the Parliament of a
State that the Queen shall cease to be head of state of that State:
(ii) the Governor of the State shall cease to be Her Majesty's representative in the State;
(iii) the continuity of the office of a Governor of a State shall not be affected by the alterations of this Constitution made by the Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999, and a person holding the office of Governor of the State immediately before the Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999 takes effect shall continue to hold the office as if he had at the time of his appointment to that office been appointed in accordance with the Constitution as altered by the Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999.
It is important to realise that there is nothing new in my proposed provisions; in fact, these would seem to retain the status quo more faithfully than would the Government's proposed provisions.
Furthermore, the Government's proposed provisions could result in constitutional crisis. Let me give some examples (not an exhaustive list) of the situations that might potentially result if my recommendations are not heeded:
Scenario (1): A State does not change its laws to sever its links with the monarch, but the monarch declines to continue to remain the head of state of the State. The Governor subsequently dies, resigns, or his commission expires, and, for whatever reason, there is no person who can act as Governor. There being no person who can or will act to appoint a new Governor, constitutional vacuum ensues. The State would not be able to alter its laws to sever its links with the monarch (as they could not be assented to), and the constitutional processes of the State would progressively disintegrate. (E.g., a new Premier could never be appointed, the Parliament could not be summoned, and laws could not be assented to.) Only an amendment (similar to what I have proposed) to amend the Commonwealth Constitution could deliver the State from constitutional vacuum.
Scenario (2): A State purports to change its laws to sever its links with the monarch, but it is later discovered that not all laws had been changed to completely sever links with the monarch. It could be argued that the Government's provision in that case revives, and the monarch would once again become the head of state of the State.
Scenario (3): A State changes its laws to sever its links with the monarch, but does not make adequate provision in respect of the appointment of the Governor. The Governor subsequently dies, resigns, or his commission expires, and, for whatever reason, there is no person who can act as Governor, with similar consequences as depicted in scenario (1).
Apart from amendment of the Commonwealth Constitution, as the only means of restoring some semblance of government under such circumstances of constitutional vacuum would be by unconstitutional means, opportunistic individuals who do not have the best interests of democracy at heart might take advantage of the situation to attain power with undesirable and completely unpredictable results.
Recommendation:
Repeal sections 110. Repeal sections 107, 108,
109 and 110, substitute:
The Governor of a State shall be appointed and dismissed by the President, acting in accordance with the advice of the Executive Council of the State, or otherwise as may be prescribed by the law of the State.
108 Executive power of the State
(1) Subject to sub-sections (3) and (4), the executive power of the State is vested in the Governor of the State and exercisable by the Governor of the State subject to such limitations as may be imposed by this Constitution and by the Constitution of the State, and to such regulations as the Parliament of the State prescribes.
(2) The powers, functions, rights, privileges, immunities and prerogatives of the Crown in right of the State shall be enjoyed by the Governor of the State, or by the State, as the case may be, subject to this Constitution and to such regulations as the Parliament of the State prescribes.
(3) Subsections (1) and (2) do not apply in relation to the power to appoint or to dismiss the Governor of a State.
(4) While the President is personally present in a State, he is not precluded from exercising any of the powers and functions of the Crown in right of the State that are the subject of sub-sections (1) and (2), provided that he shall do so only during the pleasure of the Governor of the State.
(5) Subject to this Constitution, the Parliament of the Commonwealth may make laws to give effect to the provisions of section 107 and of this section, notwithstanding that the powers and functions of the Governor, and other matters relating to the office of Governor may be prescribed by the law of the State.
109 Provisions relating to Governor
The provisions of this Constitution relating to the Governor of a State extend and apply to the Governor for the time being of the State, or other chief executive officer or administrator of the government of the State.
110 Inconsistency of laws
When a law of a State is inconsistent with a law of the Commonwealth, the latter shall prevail, and the former shall, to the extent of the inconsistency, be invalid.
The alterations of this Constitution made by the Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999 do not affect the continuity of the federal system, including the unified system of law, under this Constitution.
The Commonwealth Parliament may, at the request of a State Parliament, amend section 7 of the Australia Act 1986 and section 7 of the Australia Act 1986 of the United Kingdom to the extent that it forms part of the law of the Commonwealth or that State, to provide that those sections
do not apply to the State.
Nothing in this clause prevents the amendment of section 7 of the Australia Act 1986, or section 7 of the Australia Act 1986 of the United Kingdom to the extent that it forms part of the law of the Commonwealth or a State, in accordance with subsection 15(1) of the Australia Act 1986.
The enactment of the Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999 does not prevent the evolution of the constitutional conventions relating to the exercise of the reserve powers referred to in section 59 of this Constitution.
Recommendation:
See my recommendation under clause 1 of the Constitution Alteration (regarding proposed section 127 of the Constitution) recommending changes to clause 8 of Schedule II of the Constitution.
The reference to the Crown in clause 5 of this Schedule shall extend to the Queen's heirs and successors in the sovereignty of the United Kingdom.
Recommendation:
Omit "Crown", substitute "Queen", then add the following to the end of clause 5:
Recommendation:
Add the following clause to Schedule 1 of the Constitution Alteration:
A1 Paragraph 76(i)
Add at the end:
Comments (on the following recommendation):
I have named the committee the "Constitutional Council",
a name commensurate with the central constitutional role played by the
committee. All references to "Presidential Nominations Committee"
should thus be changed accordingly.
Recommendation:
Change "Presidential Nominations Committee" (wherever
occurring) to "Constitutional Council".
Comments (on the following recommendation):
My draft Constitution requires that the Constitutional
Council be convened at certain times which are clearly defined in section
60 of my draft Constitution, rather than simply — and probably dangerously
— assuming that "it can be expected that a committee be established..."
at the appropriate time, as the Government states in its comments
5.3 and 5.4 on clause 4.
Recommendation:
Change sub-clause (1) of clause 4 to read:
Recommendation:
Omit clause 9. Alter clause 8 to read:
A Constitutional Council has 32 members, and apart from
those persons who become members of the Constitutional Council in accordance
with section 67A of the Constitution, the members shall be appointed by
the Prime Minister giving written notice to the appointee. The members
appointed by the Prime Minister shall be as follows:
Recommendation:
Omit sub-clause 15(1).
Last updated 15 July 1999.